In addition to the massive refugee problem, the new government sought to save abandoned crops, establish security in a chaotic situation, and provide basic services. Jinnah's given name at birth was Mahomedali Jinnahbhai, and he likely was born in 1876, to Jinnahbhai Poonja and his wife Mithibai, in a rented apartment on the second floor of Wazir Mansion near Karachi, now in Sindh, Pakistan but then within the Bombay Presidency of British India. In the next two years, Jinnah worked to build support among Muslims for the League. [230] Some historians such as Jalal and H. M. Seervai assert that Jinnah never wanted the partition of India—it was the outcome of the Congress leaders being unwilling to share power with the Muslim League. It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning, that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat … as long as it won an absolute majority in the House, on the strength of the general seats, it could and would form a government entirely on its own …”. As many as 14,500,000 people relocated between India and Pakistan during and after partition. Jinnah earned the title Quaid-e-Azam (meaning “Great Leader”). During the 1930s Jinnah attended the Anglo-Indian Round Table Conferences in London, and led the reorganization of the All India Muslim League. As his health got worse, he took longer and longer rest breaks in the private wing of Government House in Karachi, where only he, Fatima and the servants were allowed. [102] Historian Akbar S. Ahmed suggests that Jinnah abandoned hope of reconciliation with the Congress as he "rediscover[ed] his own Islamic roots, his own sense of identity, of culture and history, which would come increasingly to the fore in the final years of his life". The aspiring barrister joined Lincoln’s Inn, later stating that the reason he chose Lincoln’s over the other Inns of Court was that over the main entrance to Lincoln’s Inn were the names of the world’s great lawgivers, including Muhammad. According to his biographer, Stanley Wolpert, he remains Pakistan's greatest leader. [134], Field Marshal Viscount Wavell succeeded Linlithgow as Viceroy in 1943. During a 1940 meeting of the Muslim League at Lahore, Jinnah proposed the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan, in the area where Muslims constitute a majority. [129], The Congress followed the failed Cripps mission by demanding, in August 1942, that the British immediately "Quit India", proclaiming a mass campaign of satyagraha until they did. Iqbal gradually succeeded in converting Jinnah over to his view, who eventually accepted Iqbal as his "mentor". In 1906 he joined the congress himself. [116] The Congress on 14 September demanded immediate independence with a constituent assembly to decide a constitution; when this was refused, its eight provincial governments resigned on 10 November and governors in those provinces thereafter ruled by decree for the remainder of the war. The League refused to do so and took no part in the constitutional discussions. Jinnah had been willing to consider some continued links to Hindustan (as the Hindu-majority state which would be formed on partition was sometimes referred to), such as a joint military or communications. Muhammad Jinnah's daughter, Dina, was educated in England and India. He worked in a frenzy to consolidate Pakistan. [177], Along with Liaquat and Abdur Rab Nishtar, Jinnah represented Pakistan's interests in the Division Council to appropriately divide public assets between India and Pakistan. Nevertheless, Jinnah worked to bring the Congress and League together. Jinnah politely declined the offer, stating that he planned to earn 1,500 rupees a day—a huge sum at that time—which he eventually did. She is best known for her religious persecutions of Protestants and the executions of over 300 subjects. Only days later, on 30 January, Gandhi was assassinated by Nathuram Godse, a Hindu nationalist, who believed that Gandhi was pro-Muslim. According to Jaswant Singh, “With Jinnah’s death, Pakistan lost its moorings. We strive for accuracy and fairness. The couple resided at South Court Mansion in Bombay, and frequently traveled across India and Europe. Only officials could vote in the council; non-official members, such as Jinnah, had no vote. He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and Punjabi provincial governments in the central government in New Delhi ("the centre"). According to Akbar S. Ahmed, this began to change during Iqbal’s final years prior to his death in 1938. By 1928 Jinnah’s busy political career had taken a toll on his marriage. During his student years in England, Jinnah was influenced by 19th-century British liberalism, like many other future Indian independence leaders. To gain knowledge of the law, he followed an established barrister and learned from what he did, as well as from studying lawbooks. According to Ahmed, “What Pakistan needed desperately in those early months was a symbol of the state, one that would unify people and give them the courage and resolve to succeed.”. [4][5][6][7] After his death, his relatives and other witnesses claimed that he had converted in later life to the Sunni sect. Throughout his legal career, Jinnah practised probate law (with many clients from India's nobility), and in 1911 introduced the Wakf Validation Act to place Muslim religious trusts on a sound legal footing under British Indian law. The Muslim League was far from certain of winning the legislative votes that would be required for mixed provinces such as Bengal and Punjab to secede, and Jinnah rejected the proposals as not sufficiently recognising Pakistan's right to exist. Jinnah abandoned local garb for Western-style clothing, and throughout his life, he was always impeccably dressed in public. [84], Among those who met with Jinnah to seek his return was Liaquat Ali Khan, who would be a major political associate of Jinnah in the years to come and the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. Ahmed comments that in his annotations to Iqbal's letters, Jinnah expressed solidarity with Iqbal's view: that Indian Muslims required a separate homeland. In early 1945, Liaquat and the Congress leader Bhulabhai Desai met, with Jinnah’s approval, and agreed that after the war, the Congress and the League should form an interim government with the members of the Executive Council of the Viceroy to be nominated by the Congress and the League in equal numbers. Despite the United Nations Security Council Resolution 47, issued at India's request for a plebiscite in Kashmir after the withdrawal of Pakistani forces, this has never occurred. [243] Stanley Wolpert summarises the profound effect that Jinnah had on the world: Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. [176] On 12 August 1948 the Babrra massacre in Charsadda occurred resulting in the death of 400 people aligned with the Khudai Khidmatgar movement. He proposed a temporary government along the lines which Liaquat and Desai had agreed. According to economist Yasmeen Niaz Mohiuddin in her study of Pakistan, “although Pakistan was born in bloodshed and turmoil, it survived in the initial and difficult months after partition only because of the tremendous sacrifices made by its people and the selfless efforts of its great leader. After disembarking at Southampton and taking the boat train to Victoria Station, Jinnah rented a hotel room in London. The plane landed at Karachi that afternoon, to be met by Jinnah's limousine, and an ambulance into which Jinnah's stretcher was placed. The royalist government of Iran also released a stamp commemorating the centennial of Jinnah’s birth in 1976. The Congress wanted the Viceroy to immediately summon the constituent assembly and begin the work of writing a constitution and felt that the League ministers should either join in the request or resign from the government. "[169], The Radcliffe Commission, dividing Bengal and Punjab, completed its work and reported to Mountbatten on 12 August; the last Viceroy held the maps until the 17th, not wanting to spoil the independence celebrations in both nations. The couple's only child, daughter Dina, was born on 15 August 1919. In 1908, his factional foe in the Indian National Congress, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, was arrested for sedition.
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